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How Ukraine uses decoys on the battlefield
Ukrainian engineers are building fake howitzers, HIMARS, and aircraft to dupe Russian forces. Using plywood, plastic, and metal, they create accurate replicas that force the enemy to waste resources, protecting Ukraine’s real equipment.

SPOTTED: At the annual defense tech exhibition IRON DEMO 2025 in Lviv:
Deborah Fairlamb, founding partner at Green Flag Ventures;
Alex Kinash, co-founder of DarkStar;
Yaroslav Azhnyuk, co-founder of Odd Systems and The Fourth Law;
Anton Tabur, expert-analyst at the Ukrainian Council of Defence Industry;
Roman Besomar, founder of Besomar;
Viktoriia Yaremchuk, CEO at Farsight Vision;
Maksym Cherkys, COO of Stark in its Ukrainian office;
Josef Kranawetvogl, Senior Vice President at STARK;
Oleksandr Barabash, CTO at Falcons LLC.
BLUF: Ukraine’s decoy military equipment is painstakingly created to trick Russian forces into wasting expensive weapons on fakes rather than the real thing. This elaborate distraction doesn’t just confuse Russian troops on the battlefield - it saves Ukrainian lives.
Lawmakers proposed two alternative draft laws on controversial changes to the Criminal Code to establish the ‘Defence City’ special economic regime.
Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal has come out against direct weaponry exports. And a new UGV-based electronic warfare system by Kvertus has entered mass production.
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THE BIG STORY: How fake targets do real damage by deception
Creating decoys is a clever engineering solution to mislead enemy intelligence and targeting systems.
“The most effective [decoys] are as similar [to the real thing] as possible on the thermal, visual, and even radar spectrum,” said Oleksandr, a manufacturer of Apate military equipment decoys, who asked to withhold his surname for safety reasons.
As satellites, reconnaissance drones, and other real-time surveillance devices provide constant visibility, deception has become both a challenge and an opportunity.
Creating exact copies of real equipment can be an effective way to fool the enemy into wasting resources.
Most of them are made of plywood and wood, with elements of plastic, metal, and fabric. For more realistic models, developers use components that imitate a heat signature.

Starlink decoys. Photo by Apate developer.
Decoys are currently used to replicate a wide variety of equipment, according to Serhii, from the ‘Phoenix’ Separate Regiment of Unmanned Systems, a unit of the Border Guards.
The unit uses decoys of antennas that imitate ground control stations for reconnaissance drones, FPV, and bombers. All of these are placed along the combat position to draw the enemy’s attention toward the decoys instead of the actual military positions, which makes it safer for Ukrainian troops to operate.
“When they start destroying our decoys, we realize they are somewhere nearby. So we stop working there and start disguising ourselves to avoid being discovered,” Serhii said. He added that soldiers have even learned to make effective decoys using improvised materials, such as sewage pipes.
Antenna models are made of inexpensive materials and can cost less than $25. Much of the work is done by volunteers who print the elements using plastic on 3D printers, while the military also uses polyurethane foam. The components are then adjusted and painted to look realistic under visual surveillance.

The decoy of a BMP infantry fighting vehicle. Photo by Ruslan Klymenko.
Similar manufacturing principles are applied to larger-scale mock-ups like tanks, howitzers, and airplanes. As equipment grows in size and technicality, so do the challenges and expenses of replicating it. The production time also depends on the design complexity, Oleksandr from Apate said.
A mortar mock-up can be made in 1–2 hours.
An M777 howitzer takes about 1–3 days.
The F-16 fighter jet is the most technically advanced, taking 2–3 weeks to build, especially if it's meant to look convincing to drones or satellites.
Despite the differences in complexity and time required, all these decoys have one thing in common: They are significantly cheaper than the ammunition the enemy uses to destroy them.
In a conflict between near-peer adversaries where both sides rely on expensive precision weapons, decoys allow Ukraine to deplete enemy resources in an asymmetric way.
The government buys mainly inflatable decoys, which are well-detailed but very expensive, according to Ruslan Klymenko, co-founder and director of the NA CHASI (‘On Time’) charity foundation.
Their cost can range from $8,000 to $120,000 per model, he said. One of their key disadvantages is the need for electricity, requiring a generator that creates a distinctive noise. Worse yet, even a small piece of debris can destroy such a model.
Decoys of M777 howitzers proved to be one of the most effective, Klymenko said. They’re usually placed on the front line, accessible only to expensive heavy artillery or Russian Lancet UAVs. The cost of such a decoy is about $1,500, while the price of one Lancet is about $60,000, Klymenko noted. In one case, Russian forces sent two Lancets to the same target, spending even more money on destroying a decoy.

The camouflaged model of an M777 howitzer. Photo by Ruslan Klymenko.
Another advantage of the M777 howitzer model is its mobility, as soldiers can fold it up in position. The decoy weighs 100 kilograms, while a real howitzer is more than 3 tons.
Ukraine also produces highly realistic mock-ups of F-16 fighter jets to deceive Russian forces and protect real aircraft from targeted strikes. In some cases, outdated or non-functional equipment serves as decoys. Russia has even used Iskander ballistic missiles to strike these phony targets, effectively wasting several million dollars.

F-16 fighter decoy at the beginning of development. Photo by Apate developer.
The Russian military is also constantly forcing Ukrainian manufacturers to adapt; however, by using reconnaissance drones, thermal imagers, and satellite reconnaissance capable of more easily spotting fakes. In turn, Ukrainian manufacturers are working to improve their decoys by adding thermal elements, imitation of small components, and movable components, Oleksandr noted.
Effectiveness depends not only on the decoy but also on tactics and positioning. For instance, it’s important to leave traces near the decoy that indicate human activity, such as tracks from vehicles or scattered remnants of ammunition. These details create the impression that the equipment is operational and personnel are present.
Sometimes, Ukrainian soldiers even use dummies resembling dead bodies to simulate real combat scenarios. The sight of a body next to the equipment convinces the enemy that the position was recently staffed and reinforces the illusion that the equipment is operational and, therefore, a worthwhile target.
Sometimes, this is done by replacing real equipment with a mock-up immediately after a combat mission. Or by first setting up a decoy, and then bringing in real equipment that is used to fire from the position before it is taken away, Klymenko explained. This helps trick enemy forces about the actual location of personnel and equipment.

Howitzer M777 decoys. Photo by Apate developer.
Russians also actively use decoys of equipment. Since 2013, the Russian army has been purchasing inflatable replicas of tanks, aircraft, and missile systems, particularly the main battle tanks, T-72 and T-80.
They have learned to make them very realistic, Serhii noted. From a distance, when targets are being identified, it can be hard to tell that it’s a mock-up, since it is well camouflaged, he said. Only later, when further reconnaissance is carried out with the help of FPV drones, does it become clear that it’s a decoy.
The use of decoys in warfare is, of course, not a new phenomenon. They were used in both World War I and World War II. In this way, armies tried to mislead the enemy by imitating equipment made of wood or other materials.
Even with large-scale production, the army is in constant need of decoys. And that’s a good sign, because if they are so frequently being destroyed, they are most certainly fulfilling their function.
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BUSINESS LUNCH TOPICS: What our reporting shows!
New defense minister against direct arms exports
Ukraine can’t afford direct arms exports because there aren't enough weapons at the front lines as it is, Denys Shmyhal, the defense minister, said in an interview with the BBC.
He said he’s considering the following options to solve this problem:
seeking additional funding for domestic companies, together with Western partners;
creating partnership agreements for overseas production, where part of the output could go to partners, for instance, in an 80-20 split.
"We're looking for additional funding for this, trying to order everything that can be produced domestically. But under wartime conditions, direct export is unimaginable," Shmyhal said.
The Ministry of Defense did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the matter.
Alternative draft laws introduced on changing criminal procedures for ‘Defence City’
Two alternative draft laws have been registered in the Verkhovna Rada proposing changes to the Criminal Code in connection with a special regulatory framework for defense industries– #13423-1 and #13423-2. These come in response to controversy over certain provisions in the original draft law that critics warned would enable corruption within the defense industry.
The original draft law #13423 proposed:
Adding an article to the Criminal Code that states actions by defense industry enterprises would not be considered criminal if carried out while fulfilling defense orders to maintain defense capability;
The Prosecutor General would be the only government body authorized to open criminal investigations against manufacturers. The Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) or other agencies will not be able to work independently against Defence City participants.
Draft law 13423-1, proposed by independent MP Dmytro Razumkov and others, is an alternative that provides for increased liability for crimes of corruption by defense industry enterprises under martial law instead of granting protection from criminal cases. It would be punishable by 15 years or life imprisonment with confiscation of property.
Draft law 13423-2, proposed by MP Davyd Arakhamia (Servant of the People) and others, recommends establishing a special pre-trial investigation regime for officials in the defense sector, rather than entirely removing amnesty. The Prosecutor General would also have the authority to approve criminal proceedings, such as the launch of investigations, searches, or arrests, just like in draft law #13423. But the head of SAPO would also be capable of independently opening investigations.
“I have a serious warning about this draft law [13423]. I will ask the deputies to postpone it and revise it. There are risks, including reputational risks. Frankly speaking, there are many companies on the market that oppose this preferential treatment [exemption from criminal liability for defense enterprises],” Ihor Fedirko, CEO of the Ukrainian Council of Defence Industry, an advocacy association for defense organizations, told Counteroffensive.Pro.
If the draft law is adopted, there should be a specific list of articles and mechanisms to prevent abuse, Fedirko said.
Ukrainian UGV-based EW system has entered serial production
Kvertus, a Ukrainian producer of electronic warfare systems, has launched mass production of Berserk, a system based on the TerMIT ground drone. The idea behind Berserk is to provide cover from FPV drones and heavy bomber drones during demining operations or evacuations, as well as assistance during assault operations.
Berserk is under a state contract for “dozens of systems,” Serhii Lavrov, CMO at Kvertus, told Counteroffensive.Pro. He didn’t disclose the exact number of systems ordered for security reasons.

Berserk EW system. Photo by Counteroffensive.Pro
The military can also remove the EW system in order to use an unmanned ground vehicle (UGV) as a regular ground drone for evacuation purposes or logistics operations. It can carry up to 400 kg. With the EW system on board, it has a 20 km range, up to 12 hours of battery life, and a top speed of 20 km/h.
Ukrainian orders/legislation we’re tracking:
By: Oksana Zabolotna
Ukrainian government simplifies production of explosives and ammunition
Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine dated July 16, 2025 № 902
Why it’s important:
To boost domestic production of explosives and ammunition during martial law, this resolution lifts various bureaucratic, technical, export, environmental, and licensing barriers. It aims to attract private investment and increase the share of Ukrainian-made products in meeting defense needs.
Proposals:
A special procedure for ammunition production applies during martial law and for 12 months after it ends.
Registration requirements for defense contractors are simplified.
All industrial explosives (including hunting powder) used for Armed Forces needs are classified as military, easing their use and circulation
Manufacturers are exempt from:
Involvement of a chief designer in product development;
Certain export control procedures;
Outdated Soviet sanitary and safety norms;Environmental and licensing rules for hazardous waste transport by road or rail.
To qualify as a manufacturer, purchaser, or supplier, one must meet at least one of the following:
Been a government contractor for ammunition in the past year;
Hold rights as a developer, supplier, or manufacturer of approved military products;
Use or have access to certified explosive storage facilities or military storage sites;
Have a certificate for military-grade explosive storage;
Have an agreement with the MoD on production or development.
Companies already certified under the Cabinet of Ministers’ 2023 pilot project can continue uninterrupted. Their storage certificates remain valid.
Stage: Entered into force on July 16, 2025
Initiator: Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine
What’s next: Implementation of the resolution.
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